On various occasions when party chiefs have seemed reasonably coherent outwardly – and other moments where they have come across as wildly irrational, yet remained popular by their party. We are not in such a scenario. A leading Tory failed to inspire attendees when she spoke at her conference, even as she offered the red meat of border-focused rhetoric she thought they wanted.
This wasn't primarily that they’d all arisen with a fresh awareness of humanity; more that they were skeptical she’d ever be able to follow through. In practice, a substitute. Tories hate that. An influential party member apparently called it a “themed procession”: boisterous, animated, but still a parting.
A faction is giving a fresh look at a particular MP, who was a hard “no” at the start of the night – but with proceedings winding down, and everyone else has left. Another group is generating a excitement around a rising star, a young parliamentarian of the newest members, who appears as a Shires Tory while saturating her socials with border-control messaging.
Is she poised as the leader to challenge the rival party, now surpassing the incumbents by a substantial lead? Does a term exist for overcoming competitors by mirroring their stance? Moreover, assuming no phrase fits, maybe we can borrow one from martial arts?
You don’t even have to examine America to grasp this point, nor read a prominent academic's groundbreaking study, the historical examination: your entire mental framework is screaming it. Moderate conservatism is the essential firewall against the radical elements.
Ziblatt’s thesis is that democracies survive by satisfying the “elite classes” happy. Personally, I question this as an guiding tenet. It feels as though we’ve been keeping the affluent and connected over generations, at the detriment of the broader population, and they rarely appear sufficiently content to stop wanting to take a bite out of disability benefits.
Yet his research goes beyond conjecture, it’s an archival deep dive into the Weimar-era political organization during the interwar Germany (along with the British Conservatives around the early 1900s). As moderate conservatism falters in conviction, when it starts to adopt the rhetoric and gesture-based policies of the extremist elements, it cedes the control.
A key figure associating with an influential advisor was a clear case – but extremist sympathies has become so evident now as to overshadow all remaining Tory talking points. Where are the established party members, who treasure continuity, preservation, governing principles, the UK reputation on the international platform?
Where did they go the modernisers, who described the United Kingdom in terms of powerhouses, not volatile situations? Let me emphasize, I had reservations regarding either faction either, but it’s absolutely striking how these ideologies – the inclusive conservative, the Cameroonian Conservative – have been marginalized, superseded by relentless demonisation: of migrants, Muslims, welfare recipients and protesters.
Emphasizing what they cannot stand for any more. They portray rallies by 75-year-old pacifists as “carnivals of hatred” and use flags – national emblems, English symbols, any item featuring a bold patriotic hues – as an direct confrontation to anyone who doesn’t think that complete national identity is the best thing a person could possibly be.
We observe an absence of any natural braking system, where they check back in with core principles, their own hinterland, their own plan. Whatever provocation Nigel Farage presents to them, they follow. So, no, it’s not fun to watch them implode. They are dragging social cohesion down with them.
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